The Damned Dam : The truth and myth of the River Nile’s so-called colonial era treaties “Episode 1 : The road to 1902 treaty”

Ethiopia has fired back at Egypt’s latest statement, warning of its unilateral actions concerning the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam.

The Ethiopian Foreign Ministry issued a statement on Wednesday using the same old accusations against Egypt of standing behind unrest in the Horn of Africa.

It slammed Egypt’s demands to respect the historical old treaties, describing them as “colonial era mentality” as it used big words like “Pan-Africanism” because Egypt is Africa’s white man, as Egyptians are not black enough.

The thing is that this Ethiopian statement, like the rest of old Ethiopian statements, plays on certain sentiments in Africa to win hearts and minds in a wicked way, twisting facts and history.

Unfortunately, the Egyptian government does not use the same playbook Ethiopia is using. It actually uses international laws in a lawless world.

This post aims to set the facts and history straight regarding colonial-era treaties.

Among the main Egyptian demands per the international laws organizing the rivers across borders is Ethiopia’s recognition and respect as an upstream country to the historical Nile River Water Shares of both Egypt and Sudan as downstream countries based on the historical Nile Water treaties, especially 1902,1929 and 1951, which Ethiopia labels as colonial treaties”

Interestingly, Ethiopia’s modern diplomacy often relies on a powerful narrative — that it is the only African country never to have been colonised.

It’s repeated in schools, documentaries, and political speeches, framing Ethiopia as the proud exception to Africa’s colonial story — the continent’s “real-world Wakanda.” Yet the deeper one digs, the more contradictions begin to appear.

What I cannot understand is how the current regime insists it was forced into accepting “colonial-era treaties” when, by its own celebrated narrative, Ethiopia was never colonized.

If Ethiopia was truly the unbroken, unconquered “Wakanda” during the great scramble for Africa, then the story becomes even more complicated — because the country was invaded twice, and in neither instance did the Ethiopian state sign anything related to the Nile, starting with the 1902 treaty.

But we can’t start with the 1902 treaty without going back in time to 1889.

In 1889, the Kingdom of Itay and the Ethiopian Empire signed the Treaty of Wuchale after the Italian occupation of Eritrea. It was signed in the small Ethiopian town of Wuchale, from which the treaty got its name.

The damned dam: No, Trump Did Not Stop a War Between Egypt and Ethiopia

Egypt issued a new statement last week warning that Ethiopia’s latest unilateral and unregulated operation of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) has caused sharp fluctuations in water flows along the Blue Nile.

This unexpected surge has forced the Egyptian government to open the Toshka spillway to safely absorb the excess water.

This is the second—or perhaps even the third—such warning Egypt has issued within a span of three months. Honestly, I’ve lost count.

Now, I am seizing this moment to clarify a recurring claim: Donald Trump did not stop a war between Egypt and Ethiopia.

There was no war between Egypt and Ethiopia to begin with.

I will acknowledge that real progress was indeed achieved during Trump’s first term. In February 2020, the parties were genuinely on the verge of signing an agreement before Ethiopia backed away at the last moment.
Still, there was no war, nor any military confrontation, for Trump to “stop” in his previous or current term.

The only time Egypt and Ethiopia were actually at war was in the 19th century, when Khedive Ismail attempted to follow in the footsteps of his grandfather, Mohamed Ali Pasha, in Sudan.

Parliament 2025 elections: A quick guide

Here is a quick fact box about the first stage parliamentary elections in Egypt that will kick off on Monday.

Domestic voting will take place in two phases, on 10–11 and 24–25 November 2025, to determine the composition of the 596-seat chamber, divided almost evenly between 284 individual seats and 284 filled through the absolute closed party-list system, with an additional 28 members appointed by presidential decree.

10,893 polling stations will be set up — 5,606 for the first phase and 5,287 for the second — under the supervision of 9,600 judges from the Administrative and State Councils.

The first phase will cover 14 governorates — Giza, Beni Suef, Fayoum, Minya, Assiut, New Valley, Sohag, Qena, Luxor, Aswan, Red Sea, Alexandria, Beheira, and Marsa Matrouh — with 284 seats contested.

The remaining governorates will take part in the second phase on 24-25 November in 13 governorates —Cairo, Qalyubia, Dakahlia, Monufia, Sharqia, Gharbia, Kafr el-Sheikh, Damietta, Port Said, Ismailia, Suez, North Sinai, and South Sinai.

Four coalition lists — the Popular List, Your Voice for Egypt List, Call of Egypt List, and Generation List — were disqualified for failing to meet the legal and procedural requirements set by the National Election Authority (NEA).

As a result, the National Unified List for Egypt was the only coalition list approved to contest all four designated electoral constituencies.

This means that 284 seats have been filled via the absolute closed party list systems already, without elections technically.

This means that 284 seats have already been filled through the absolutely closed party-list system — effectively without real elections. The system has faced heavy criticism for this reason. Supporters, mostly pro-regime voices, argue that it helps ensure representation for minorities such as women and Christian Egyptians.

In reality, however, it does not.

This marks the second consecutive parliamentary election in which the coalition list has been approved.

The only difference is that the National Front Party has joined the coalition led by the Nation’s Future Party.

Egypt is divided into four party-list constituencies comprising 284 seats: Cairo and the Central and Southern Delta (102 seats); North, Central, and South Upper Egypt (102 seats); Eastern Delta (40 seats); and Western Delta (40 seats).

That time when Eric Adams met Egypt’s Mr. 1

I won’t speak about the glamorous Grand Egyptian Museum (GEM) inauguration in this post — that event deserves a quieter, clearer moment, away from all the noise.

Instead, I want to talk about something else that caught the attention of many Egyptians last Saturday, right after the GEM’s glamorous opening ceremony.

That “something” was none other than a campaign ad by New York City mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani, targeting Arab American voters with a video in which he spoke Arabic.

أنا اسمي زهران ممدان وعم رشّح حالي لأكون العمدة الجديد في مدينة نيويورك pic.twitter.com/ptfVdpansX

— Zohran Kwame Mamdani (@ZohranKMamdani) November 1, 2025

Speaking in a mix of Levantine and Egyptian accents, Mamdani visited a bodega — most likely Yemeni-owned, as many are — and greeted the resident cat with the Egyptian phrase “Ezayak ya basha” (How are you, Pasha?).

He also stopped by a Palestinian falafel shop, which, unsurprisingly, infuriated several pro-Israeli Zionists online.

But aside from that “Ezayak ya basha” moment, there was another scene that meant a lot to many of us — a subtle reminder of Egypt’s enduring soft power. In the background, one could hear a familiar tune: Mona Abdel Ghany’s 1987 hit “Yalla Ya As-hab” (Come Along, Friends).

Even though Mamdani studied Arabic in Egypt and his wife is Syrian American, I doubt either of them recognized that song. Clearly, someone on his campaign team is Egyptian — and has excellent taste in nostalgic 1980s pop.

But this wasn’t the only unexpected Egyptian pop culture cameo in New York City’s most heated mayoral race of the 21st century.

Just last month, we witnessed what could only be described as a meeting of the titans: Egypt’s Mohamed Ramadan meeting with former New York Mayor Eric Adams. (Yes, as you probably guessed from this post’s title.)

#6Oct73 : The battle and siege of Suez

Today is the National Day of Suez Governorate, commemorating the Suez city’s heroic resistance during the October War of 1973.

Colored by Google Gemini
An Egyptian resistance fighter from Suez 

The siege of Suez lasted about 101 days — from October 24, 1973, to January 28, 1974 — marking the final phase of the war.

On October 23, Israeli forces under Ariel Sharon attempted to storm the city despite the Israeli commanders’ concerns, expecting minimal resistance due to a fatal strategic error by President Anwar Sadat.

Acting on a request from Syrian President Hafez al-Assad to ease pressure on the northern front, Sadat ordered further offensives eastward on October 14, despite Egypt’s initial success crossing the Suez Canal.

This move went against the advice of senior commanders, including Chief of Staff Saad El-Din El-Shazly, who warned that pushing beyond the SAM (surface-to-air missile) umbrella would overextend Egypt’s forces.

The resulting withdrawal of units from the western bank weakened the sector near Deversoir (between the Egyptian Second and Third Armies) , leaving it thinly defended — a gap that Ariel Sharon’s division exploited on October 23 to cross into the west bank.

Once across, Sharon’s forces deployed an armored brigade and a paratrooper battalion to cut off supplies to Egypt’s Third Army.

What followed was an epic defense on October 24.

Criminal Procedures Law amendments: Approved but still unconstitutional!!

Too many things are happening in Egypt and along its borders this week — but this is a particularly important development that deserves everyone’s attention.

On Thursday, Egypt’s House of Representatives approved amendments to the Criminal Procedures Law but postponed their enforcement until October 2026, following presidential directives that sent the legislation back for revision. The delay aims to allow additional time to ensure the law’s effective and orderly implementation.

Ancient Egyptian Deity of Justice Maat and the Egyptian Parliament

In September, President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi referred the draft law back to parliament after objections were raised to several provisions, including Article 105. Parliament had originally passed the 544-article bill in April, following three years of preparation and five months of debate.

Now, the parliament has approved the amended version on the final day of its session — and what a finale it was.

According to the government, the legislation aims to modernise Egypt’s justice system and will take effect at the start of the next judicial year, in October 2026, following presidential ratification.

The Ministry of Justice explained that the postponement reflects practical and organizational considerations highlighted in the president’s observations — including the need for extensive technical and administrative preparations, such as establishing phone-based notification centers in all district courts, training judicial personnel, and completing the digital infrastructure required for the law’s implementation.

However, despite parliamentary approval, controversy continues to surround the amendments — particularly Article 105, which allows prosecutors, under certain urgent circumstances, to interrogate defendants without their lawyer present.

Yes, you read that right: “to interrogate defendants without their lawyer present under certain urgent circumstances.”

The amendment, proposed by the Ministry of Justice and adopted by the special parliamentary committee, stipulates that if a lawyer cannot attend promptly, the prosecution may request the local bar association to appoint one — or proceed with the interrogation until the lawyer arrives. The appointed or retained lawyer retains the right to review all procedures conducted in their absence.

And Egypt goes to World Cup 26 “But in a quieter way”

Egypt recorded a 3–0 victory over Djibouti, a result that confirmed their qualification for the 2026 FIFA World Cup to be held next year in Canada, the United States, and Mexico — inshallah.

Ibrahim Adel opened the scoring early on, while Mohamed Salah added two goals to seal the win.

I write this without the same enthusiasm I had in October 2017, when Egypt qualified for the first time in 28 years for the World Cup in Russia 2018. In fact, it feels quite the opposite.

Mohamed Salah and Ibrahim Adel's foot on knee in a tree yoga pose
became the iconic photo of Egypt's World Cup 2026 qualifier match 

Starting with myself: yours truly is a football fan, and yet I didn’t even know that Egypt had a match on Wednesday — let alone that it was a World Cup qualifier being played in Morocco, even if it was against a weak team like Djibouti (with all due respect).

 Had I known, I wouldn’t have gone out on errands and would have kept up my tradition of watching the match.

In the streets — even in the bustling market areas — nothing hinted that a major game or a World Cup qualifier was taking place. There were no flag sellers stationed at traffic lights and squares, waiting for the rush of fans as they used to on big match days.
There were no crowds of men and boys gathered in local cafés watching the game with their friends.